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Norsemen in the Low Countries |
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| In the ninth century the shores of the North Sea were harassed by Danish pirates. It is understandable that medieval chroniclers were rather more interested in their targets, yet something can be told about the origin of these plunderers. For if we map out the different raids in the North Sea area in the period between 834 and 864 - the period in which most transmarine pirate activity is recorded - then the central position of the former Island of Walcheren in the present Dutch province of Zealand is striking. Is it possible that a nest of pirates could have maintained on this island for some decades? |
Walcheren
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Walcheren near Domburg, where once the trading town Walacria was situated |
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From the 830s the coasts of the North Sea were regularly harassed by Scandinavian, specially Danish pirates. If they wanted to cross
the North Sea to England they had to search for the most convenient place for a passage, taking into consideration that their
longships were not very suitable for high seas. Therefore they had to use as much as possible inland waterways, like Lake Almere
and the waters of Zealand. But they could not advance more southern than the Scheldt-estuary. Here the pirates had to risk the passage
to England. Furthermore they had to forage and wait for a favourable wind. A trading-post on an island in the estuary of the Scheldt
was the most obvious place for debarcation and halting. This settlement was mentioned by Alcuin in his biography of Willibrord as the
villa Walichrum (1). Later on the place was mostly called Walacria, from which the present name Walcheren has derived.
Trade was the main factor through which the place owed its existence. The situation along a sheltered tidal stream in the vicinity of
the mouth of the River Scheldt, near the present seaside resort Domburg, was ideal for overseas trade. The island, and we may assume the trading place itself, was a royal domain (2). The settlement was particularly of military importance for the Frankish kings because of its strategic position at the mouth of the river, rather than the revenues that were generated by taxes on the trading activities. Here Emperor Louis the Pious (814-840) had ordered to build a seditio, possibly a stronghold, where we meet a military commander (3). It can be considered to be a garrison place, where also optimates imperatoris, noblemen serving the emperor, were present. They rather belonged to the local nobility than to an imperial retinue. Viking raids on the English shores were regularly reported from 835 onwards (4). From that moment the trading town started to play an important part as a starting-point for Danish pirates. The place could serve for journeys overseas as well as for attacks on the Frisian coastal areas. Frisia was harassed by raids almost every year after 834. Viking presence on the island can only be deduced indirectly, because we do not have a straight testimony of their stay. A campaign of Louis the Pious - he wanted to build a reinforcement on Walacria - points at their local presence. Already in 834 he did reorganize the coastal defense which was initiated by his father Charlemagne and the following year he took complementary defensive arrangements (5). Only without success, the Franks managed to occupy the island, but the raids continued. Subsequently Walacria was raided, just the place where the Frankish military defense was substantial and probably the most concentrated in the Frisian and Flemish coastal areas. Recapturing this essential base must have been of great importance for the attackers. In the summer of 837 Danish pirates got hold of the island (6). Louis the Pious postponed his journey to his rebellious son Lothar I (840-855) in Italy and hurried to his palace at Nijmegen to take the necessary arrangements (7). Apparently the attack was important enough for the emperor to change his plans, he wanted to deal with this affair personally. Louis had reorganized the coastal defense earlier that year and he took extensive arrangements which indicates that the defense of the island was considered to be more than a local matter. A garrison was housed and a fortified watch-post was established on the island. Eggihard, count of Walacria and possibly also major of the royal domain, was supported by a dux, a military commander. That was the Danish commander Hemmingr, a faithful retainer of the emperor (8). All arrangements were concentrated on the island, an attack was just expected on this place. But the organization of the defense pointed out to be not completed, as the chronicler reported 'an unprepared defense'. Eggihard, Hemmingr and other noblemen were killed in action during the attack. | This text is a shortened reproduction of a paper (in Dutch) with the same title in Nehalennia 151 (2006), 2-24. |
| Why were the Franks not capable to defend this island? May be we must find the answer in the unwillingness of the local population to support the Frankish rulers. The Christian authors seem to agree about the pagan tendency of the 'barbarians of the coastal area' as far as it concerns Walcheren. The trading place was and stayed strongly associated with the pagan North Sea culture, it had a bad reputation. Despite the favourable situation of the trading town peregrini (pilgrims) avoided Walacria and rather traveled through Quentovic to the European continent. The merchants and cargo transporters, temporary or permanently living in the trading town, were probably mainly of Frisian descent. Here we can assume a Frisian trading colony, like in many other places in Northwestern Europe. Moreover English connections must have inflicted a considerable Anglo-Saxon element in the community. Such a population would rather be inclined to provide hospitality to Danish adventurers, pagan brothers and partners in the marine trade. |
 Carolingian period |
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The appearance of Arabic Dirhems gives an important clue for a continuous presence of the Danes. For most Arabic coins were spread by Norsemen who settled in
Frisia, taking their silver with them, as has been demonstrated by Besteman (9). After they plundered the island, the pirates advanced to Dorestad. But they retreated after they learned that Louis the Pious hurried with an army to the castrum Nijmegen. They must have retreated on Walcheren, inaccessible for the Frankish force. The emperor ordered to prepare a fleet, because he realized that his army could not accomplish anything on the shore. He understood that he needed the ships and the maritime abilities of the local Frisian merchants, who had their own fleet. And exactly those Frisians had refused to cooperate. Whenever there existed a Frankish military superiority, it could not have lasted very long. Soon afterwards Walcheren appeared to be in the hands of the Danish freebooters, for they pointed out to be present on the island in 841. At least in that year Lothar I granted 'Walacria and adjacent regions', probably Zealand on the west bank of the River Scheldt, to the Danish prince Haraldr 'junior'. We may assume that he already occupied the area and on that account the actual situation became legalized (10). The coastal area south of the River Meuse was earlier accrued to King Charles the Bald (840-877). Through his alliance with the Danes Lothar had actually usurped the area. With the Treaty of Verdun in 843 he formally got the territory between the Rivers Scheldt and Meuse (11). Such treaties were mostly a confirmation of the military status quo of the moment. Not without reason Prudentius was very much aroused when Walacria was handed over to 'worshippers of the devil', as he called the Danes. 'To thank Haraldr for his useful actions' was his nasty comment. According to the furious chronicler these actions were the plunder of the Frisian coastal areas in advantage of Lothar, and to harm Louis the Pious. So Haraldr 'junior' pointed out to be, together with Lothar, responsible for the raid on Walcheren in 837. And that is quite possible, because Louis the Pious had approached the Danish king Hárekr Guðröðarson (before 827-854), the arch-enemy of the clan of Haraldr 'junior'. His clan was earlier expelled from Denmark. The relationship between Louis the Pious and the Danish king chased the members of the Haraldr-clan in the arms of Lothar, since the latter had a conflict with his father. With the granting of fiscal property Lothar tried to gain Haraldr 'junior' and his brother Hrœrekr (Roric) as supporters in the struggle against his father and later on against his brothers. The vicus Dorestad, strategically situated in the central river area, has been handed over to them earlier (12). Prudentius was certainly selective with his comment, for he never mentioned that Charles the Bald granted the Dane Ragnarr the cella Torhout near Bruges in Flanders (13). It is not by chance that this occurred in the same period, obviously Charles also looked for military support from Danish war lords in the coastal wet lands. |
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Situated at the mouth of the River Scheldt, the trading place Walacria was an ideal starting-point for raids on the kingdom of
Charles the Bald. The pirates transferred their attacks to Western Francia and England (14), while the Frisian coasts stayed clear from the
pirates. The chronicler Nithard suggested intrigue of Lothar (15), who also appeared to refute the coming of free vikings to the
coasts of Zealand. Although the island was completely looted in 837, Walcheren must have stayed attractive as a jumping-off board to England
and played an important part as a halting and forage-place. While many marauding expeditions were undertaken in the Scheldt region in the decades after the arrival of the Danes, not one raid on the coast of Zealand was reported in the same period. That gives us a clue that the pirates who harmed the Scheldt hinterland must have been exactly present at the mouth of the river. It is well-known that they took positions on islands in the mouth of rivers like the Thames and the Loire for a long time. On that account it is plausible that they also occupied Walcheren, in the mouth of the River Scheldt. This island was their most probable starting-point because of its central position amidst the different targets in the North Sea area. We can imagine the transmarine movements especially from Anglo Saxon sources. Several landings of 'heathens' on the English shores, particular in the mouth of the Thames, were recorded between 835 and 850 (16). Accordingly Walcheren can be considered to be a pirate enclave, a gathering place for free vikings. Here they had a harbour for their fleet and a seditio, possibly a stronghold, established by Louis the Pious. Therefore it is questionable whether Lothar did control the coastal area of Zealand after the death of Haraldr 'junior'. His men could easily have remained in this disputed and inaccessible place. They could have assisted Hrœrekr, the expelled brother of Haraldr, attacking the Frisian coasts. Because Haraldr and Hrœrekr had fallen into disgrace with Lothar, probably after the king had made an agreement with his brothers Louis the German and Charles the Bald. The Carolingian kings made peace with each other and the Danish allies of Lothar became a treat in their strategic positions rather than a support for the king. Haraldr 'junior' perished, but Hrœrekr escaped and fled to Saxony. He collected a fleet and attacked the Frisian coasts of Lothar. Although he could easily have recruited supporters in the Lower Saxon coastal areas, the base for his attacks appears to be situated more to the south. For most raids were recorded at Dorestad and the Betuwe. Accordingly the pirate enclave Walcheren was the most probable place for such a power base. Hrœrekr enforced his original position as a local ruler by conquering Dorestad. However in 850 the king and his vassal reached an agreement and the Dane established himself in the trading town. Although Lothar entrusted the defense of Western Frisia - with Zealand - to Hrœrekr the situation in Zealand did not change. Probably the piratae Danorum, Danish pirates, as the author of the Miracula sancti Bavonis called them (17), remained on Walcheren. Hrœrekr could and would not worry about the island. Some of his men, eager for adventure, did not wish to stay with their leader as his attendants. They could very well also have ended up on Walcheren. Subsequently we see a strong increase of the number of raids in the Scheldt area. Frisia stayed for the greater part protected against their attacks for the sake of their old tires with Hrœrekr. However they used his absence to raid Dorestad and the Betuwe and to devastate the neighbouring area after Hrœrekr left his Frisian position to establish himself near the Danish borderland in 857 for a couple of years (18). Some of his men left for England, where we meet them in the mouth of the Thames (19). In contrast with the journeys to England in the 830s and 840s we now know the names of their leaders. They are called Hálfdanr, Ívarr and Ubbi 'the Frisian'. With a 'pagan army of Frisians and Danes' they erected encampments on the islands of Thanet and Sheppey near the mouth of the Thames (20). |
| After Guðröðr (Godfrid), a cousin of Hrœrekr, was expelled from Eastern Frisia by local noblemen in 852, he probably stayed some time at Walcheren with Hróðulfr (Rodulf) or otherwise written Hrólfr (21), who likewise was expelled from Frisia. There was a good relationship between Hrœrekr, who ruled Western Frisia, and his cousins. That must be the reason why they did not attack his territory. Guðröðr did not stay long in the Scheldt estuary, for he moved his activities to the Seine area within a year. Here Ásgeirr, who probably also came from Walcheren, had been active. In 850 he raided Flanders and a year later probably Frisia and the Betuwe (22). He moved south, possibly affected by Hrœrekr, first to Flanders where he burned down to ashes the Abbey of Saint Baaf at Ghent (23). Thereafter Ásgeirr left for the Seine area where he built a base camp on an island in the Seine in order to supervise movements on the river (24). |  |
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Guðröðr established his encampment on the very same island. Apparently there must have been close relationships between the
various leaders with a background from Walcheren. The camp of Guðröðr was besieged by levies of Charles the Bald and Lothar. This collective
action of both kings emphasizes their mutual interest concerning their fight against this gang, the Scaldingi coming from the
Scheldt estuary and operating in both kingdoms. The siege failed, but Charles believed to be smart by negotiating with Guðröðr in secrecy,
without notifying Lothar. He offered the Dane territory, presumably in Zealand, in exchange for his loyalty (25). It should have given
Charles some influence on the area that was taken from him. But Guðröðr rejected the offer and headed for Eastern Frisia, the
lost property of his father. According to the medieval historian Dudo, Hrollaugr (Rollo) rejected the offer of the Western
Frankish King Charles the Simple to grant him territory in Flanders (26). Maybe we can recognize herein a recollection of the offer
that was refused by Guðröðr, which may have been used in the compilation of data known to Dudo. After Count Baldwin I of Flanders called the anger of King Charles the Bald over himself by abducting in 862 Judith, the daughter of the king, this rebellious vassal fled to the kingdom of Lothar. The pope as well as archbishop Hincmar of Reims assumed that Baldwin went to the Norsemen. Apparently they were familiar with backgrounds of Baldwin that are unknown to us. At the time of his flight the Danes were master in the entire coastal and river area. Especially Hrœrekr was prominently present, but it is not probable that Baldwin tried to join him. Because in the meanwhile Hrœrekr had become a loyal vassal of Lothar and after the kings death made an alliance with Charles the Bald. Accordingly Baldwin likely fled to Zealand, territory that formally belonged to the military rule of Hrœrekr and was part of the diocese of Utrecht. That is why Hincmar wrote letters to Hrœrekr as well as to the bishop of Utrecht, in which the metropolitan warned for Baldwin (27). He notified Hrœrekr not to get involved with the excommunicated count. But that was meaningless, because Hrœrekr did not have much authority in Zealand. Here Baldwin and Judith were relatively safe for the Frankish rulers. Old relationships between the trading town Walacria and England must have played an important part in choosing their place of refuge. As a widow of two former kings of Wessex Judith had close connections with England. After she became a widow for the second time, she was recalled to Western Francia by her father Charles the Bald. When she returned she was placed under security. Apparently some sort of action was expected, perhaps from England. This action in fact occurred shortly afterwards when Baldwin abducted Judith, whereby one could speculate on possible English connections of Baldwin. The pope and Hincmar were not so much afraid that Baldwin would fly to the Norsemen, they rather feared that he would join them (28). An alliance between Baldwin, the Norsemen and possibly the English constituted a real danger for the Frankish kings. However nothing has been recorded about such an alliance. Moreover the king and Baldwin reconciled, the count got permission to marry Judith and he developed as an influential person at the royal court. From the rehabilitation of Baldwin until his death in 879 the Danes skipped Flanders. Accordingly we can assume the influence of his contacts with the vikings of the Scheldt, the Scaldingi. If it is true that Baldwin indeed maintained good connections with the Scaldingi, then Charles the Bald did act sensible in various ways by pardonning him and trust him with the Flemish coastal area. |
| With the coming of Baldwin the originally continuous occupation of the pirates on Walcheren became more intermittently. After some unfortunate adventures in the Rhine land the major part of the Danes sailed away (29). We meet them in England in 865, where they inflicted a massacre in Northumbria under leadership of the earlier mentioned Ubbi 'the Frisian' (30). Apparently he must have been active on both sides of the North Sea. After the death of Lothar II Western Frisia was appointed to Charles the Bald on account of the Treaty of Meerssen. This was likewise because of his alliance with Hrœrekr. But the Dane did not manage to get control of the coastal area of Zealand. |  type W II Carolingian period |
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The Westfrankish king tried to get control over this territory, even more than Lothar had done. When he negotiated with Hróðulfr,
discussions could very well have been held on this issue. But the negotiations turned out to fail. The Dane demanded
too much with his 'treacherous intrigues' and Charles the Bald had to equip his retinue to defend themselves against his attacks (31).
Apparently Hróðulfr stayed in Westfrankish territory. And then Zealand, until 869 a part of the kingdom of Lothar, must have been the most plausible place. In 864
this monarch had paid locarium, a ransom, to Hróðulfr and his men (32). Evidently they were present in his kingdom. It is not credible that Hróðulfr stayed a long time in Zealand. He started to wander around in Ireland and raided the coasts on the continent and overseas for years (33). It is possible that Dudo mixed the actions of Hróðulfr in his account on the adventures of Rollo on Walcheren, for the Old Norse name of Rollo is Hrólfr (34). And that is also one of the names used for Hróðulfr (35). Moreover it is remarkable that Rollo was mentioned in an English source as the leader of the Scaldi (36). The construction of circular strongholds at the end of the ninth century, probably on royal domains, indicates that Zealand then again was ruled by the central authorities. The concentration of three circular strongholds on Walcheren not only demonstrates the recapture of the island, but also points out the fear of the authorities for a new occupation. But that did not occur, for the Norsemen constructed their fortified camps inland since 879. They must have sailed many times along Walcheren to penetrate the Scheldt area before they took off for England in 892. But they did not settle on the island any more. The era of the Scaldingi, the free vikings on Walcheren, was definitely finished. |
The circular stronghold 'Oost-Souburg' on Walcheren |
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(1) venit ad quandam villam Walic(h)rum nomine, Alcuin, Vita Willibrordi, see Levison, 1920, 128 (2) AB 841, 54, see Rau 1958a; Koch 1970, 42, 63; large parts of Walcheren probably belonged to the royal domain (3) Theganus continuatio, in: Tremp, 1995, 256 (4) ASC 832 [=835]; ASC 833 [=836]; ASC 835 [=838], see Garmonsway, 1953 (5) in 834 homines nostri were charged with the custodia maritimaof the Flemish coast as demonstrated from a letter of Einhard (Hampe, 1899, 121); about the date and backgrounds of this letter see D'Haenens, 1967, 108, 205; disposita omni maritima custodia, AB 835, 28 (6) AB 837, 32 (7) Theganus continuatio, in Tremp, 1995, 256 ; AF 837, 22; Astronomus, in Tremp, 1995; AB 837, 32 (8) AB 837, 32; AF 837, see Rau 1960, 22; AX 837, see Rau 1958b, 342; Theganus continuatio, in Tremp, 1995, 256 (9) Besteman, 2004 (10) AB 841, 54 (11) AB 843, 60 (12) AF 850, 38 (13) Vita Anskarii, see Robinson, 1921, c. 21 (14) AB 841, 52; AB 842, 58; AB 843, 60; ASC 837 [=840], 62; ASC 838 [=841], 62-64; ASC 839 [=842], 64; ASC 840 [=843]; ASC 845 [=848] (15) Scholz, 1972, 167 (16) ASC 832 [=835]; ASC 833 [=836]; ASC 835 [=838]; ASC 838 (=841); ASC 839 [=842]; ASC 840 (=843); ASC 845 [=848] (17) Miracula sancti Bavonis, Holder-Egger, 1888, 596 (18) AF 857, 50; AB 857, 94 (19) ASC 851, 64 (20) ASC 851 [=850]; ASC 853; ASC 854; ASC 860; ASC 865; Vita s. Aedmundi, see Migne, 1880, c. 510; Annales Lindisfarnenses, see Pertz 1866, 506; Historia de sancto Cuthberto, see Johnson South, 2002, 50-52 (21) for his name see De Vries, 1923, 179 (22) AB 850, 76; Chronicon Fontanellensis, see Pertz, 1829, 303; Annales Lobienses, see Waitz 1881, 232; AX 851, 350; AB 851, 80; AB 852, 82 (23) AB 851, 80; Annales S. Bavonis Gandensis 851, see Pertz 1829, 187; Annales Elmarenses 851, see Grierson, 1937 (24) AB 851, 80; Chronicon Fontanellensis, see Pertz, 1829, 303-304 (25) AB 853, 82; AF 850, 40 (26) Lair, 1865, c.12 (27) Flodoard, see Migne 135 (1879), col. 241; OSU 73, see Muller & Bouwman, 1920, 79-80 (28) Perels, 1925, 274: Balduinus se impiis Nortmannis et inimicis ecclesiae sanctae coniungat. (29) AB 864, 138; incerta petierunt, AX 864, 354 (30) ASC 866 [=865]; ASC 867; Historia de sancto Cuthberto, zie Johnson South, 2002, 50-52; Annales Lindisfarnenses, see Pertz, 1866, 506 (31) AB 872, 226 (32) AB 864, 128 (33) AX 873, 368-370 (34) Haraldz saga ins hárfagra, in Heimskringla, see Jónsson, 1911, 55-56 (35) De Vries, 1923, 396 (36) Scaldi Rollo duce possident Normanniam, see Annales Lindisfarnenses, in Pertz, 1866, 507 |
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